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Although both men and women benefit from financial services, women generally have less access to such services. This is partly due to women's limited social and economic mobility and their lack of physical collateral. Women in developing countries are at a particular disadvantage because of poverty. With their program design and focus on the poor and women, microcredit programs have helped women and the poor become self-employed and increase their income. When wage employment is unavailable or difficult for women to access, credit can finance income-generating activities that help women become self-employed. Credit also smoothes consumption fluctuations due to seasonality in income and employment. More important, it increases women's options for optimizing the use of available resources. This note analyzes the outreach and impact on the poor (defined as members of households owning less than half an acre of land) and women of three well-known microcredit programs in Bangladesh: the Grameen Bank, Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee (BRAC), and Bangladesh Rural Development Board's Rural Development Project 12 (RD-12). The findings are drawn from an in-depth analysis of household and community survey data collected in 1991-92 by the World Bank and the Bangladesh Institute of Development Studies. Microfinance Institutions: A Blessing for the Poor-especially Women The group-based lending approach has guided more than 750 non-governmental organizations (NGOs) operating small-scale microcredit programs in Bangladesh. Two large microcredit programs (BRAC and RD-12) also rely on group-based lending. BRAC is an NGO established in 1972, while RD-12 is a public program formed in 1988. BRAC believes that the poor primarily need to develop skills and secure other organizational inputs before receiving credit. RD-12 uses a two-tier cooperative structure based on the credit delivery model of the Grameen Bank, though it also emphasizes skill-based training for the poor. Despite their differences, all three organizations have learned from one another. Table 1: Female participation in the Grameen Bank, BRAC and RD-12, '1994
Microcredit
Outreach
1998. Group-based lending provides an alternative. Microcredit programs mobilize the poor into groups and provide them with consciousness training, offering them a way to realize their potential. In addition, group monitoring helps ensure that loans are repaid. The group mechanism has an added advantage for women in Bangladesh. For social and other reasons, women find it difficult to be active in the local labor market. Full-time involvement in non-market household production discourages women from seeking wage employment outside the home. In addition, women are less able than men to influence the allocation of household resources, including their own time. Group based credit schemes enable poor rural women to be self-employed at home, without foregoing their non-market household production. Groups also provide a forum for women to interact and to develop bonds that provide economic security outside traditional household settings. Thus microcredit programs are more attractive to poor women than to poor men. The programs have learned that women are better credit risks than men. Moreover, reaching out to more women than men promotes social development and gender equality. As a result Bangladesh's microcredit programs target women, and membership among women is high in all three programs By 1994 the Grameen Bank had more than 2 million members-94 percent
of them women. Nearly 88 percent of BRAC's members were women, as were
70 percent of RD-12's members. Women accounted for an overwhelming majority
of active borrowers and received more than 80 percent of annual disbursements
in all three programs. Most impressive, women's loan repayment rates were
well above 90 percent.
Benefits for both Women and Men Identifying a program's benefits requires a participant-level impact analysis that measures effects on individual and household welfare, such as per capita consumption, assets, schooling of children, and so on. While studying these effects is important for determining whether a program helps reduce poverty, for several reasons quantifying the effects of each program is problematic, especially when conditions make it impossible to conduct an experiment where researchers decide who receives credit and who does not. First, programs set their objectives at the start, and hence are not randomly placed. Thus, without controlling for program placement endogeneity, it is difficult to determine a program's effects. Second, participation in a program is self-selective, so comparing outcomes between participants and non-participants does not indicate any impact. Finally, when both men and women are allowed to participate, households self-select whether a man or a woman joins the program. Without knowing this, it is difficult to know whether women or men benefit from a program, or whether the gender of a participant matters. Such problems are endemic to any program evaluation using cross-sectional data. The study in Bangladesh resolved these issues using a quasi-experimental survey design. Households were chosen at random from both program and control villages, from both target and non-target groups, and from villages with only men's groups and only women's groups. The main findings of the research are striking: in many cases the impact of credit given to women was found to be much greater than the impact of credit given to men. The household and intrahousehold effects of male and female borrowing under the three programs are shown in table 2. Table 2 Impact
of Microcredit Borrowing on Household
The most important effect of borrowing from a microcredit program is its impact on household spending per capita. In all three programs a 10 percent increase in women's borrowing increased household spending per capita by about 0.40 percent. The impact on household consumption of borrowing by women was about twice as great as for borrowing by men. Women's borrowing also seems to improve children's welfare much more than men's borrowing. Except for BRAC's impact on girls' school enrolment, women's borrowing improved boys' and girls' enrolments more than men's borrowing. And in contrast to men's credit, women's credit had a large and statistically significant impact on the nutritional well being of boys and girls. Borrowing from a microcredit program also increases household net worth. However, the impact of borrowing on household net worth is higher for credit to men than for credit to women. That is, men invest more than women in physical capital. Microcredit also influences household reproductive behavior. Credit to women increases fertility (except under the Grameen Bank program) and reduces contraceptive use. In contrast, credit to men reduces fertility (except under the BRAC program) and increases contraceptive use. This finding suggests that borrowing may encourage female borrowers to have more children, since women's self-employment and non-market household production may be jointly produced. Still, family planning programs should not be targeted exclusively to women; men also need to be targeted for effective population control. Finally, microcredit smoothes household consumption and labor supply. Households that experience more seasonality in consumption are more likely to participate in these programs, indicating that the programs are well-targeted. Interestingly, consumption smoothing is higher for women's credit than for men's. On the other hand, women's access to microcredit seems to reduce men's heavy workload in the peak season. Microfinance:
Not A Panacea for Reducing Poverty Or Reaching Poor Women
Conclusion An increase in assets and the generation of cash income may empower women within the household, increasing consumption for them and their children and contributing to other measures of welfare (such as schooling). One measure of this increased empowerment is the fact that women's borrowing has an independent effect on the allocation of household resources, with men investing more in physical capital and women investing more in human capital. These results represent only the short run effects of microcredit programs. Whether these effects are sustainable over time, remains to be seen. But even if they are sustainable, microfinance should not be considered a panacea for reducing poverty or reaching poor women. Only people who have the ability to be self-employed can borrow, and only about 40 percent of the eligible poor households in Bangladesh participate in microcredit programs. Entrepreneurial ability is unevenly apportioned among any population-including women and poor people. Other programs, such as wage employment schemes, are required for those who cannot make productive use of microcredit. Extracted from PREMNOTES, November 1998, No 8; The World Bank Reference Khandker, Shahidur R . 1998. Fighting Poverty with
Microcredit: Experience in Bangladesh. New York: Oxford University
Press for the World Bank.
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